↩ the History · a speech, filed

Announcing the Peace Agreement

Richard Nixon · the Oval Office · January 23, 1973
text: The American Presidency Project, UC Santa Barbara · a work of the United States government, in the public domain
colour carries the act's function; a dashed underline marks a predicted misfire; hover or focus any span for its filing

Good evening:

I have asked for this radio and television time tonight for the purpose of announcing that we today have concluded an agreement to end the war and bring peace with honor in Vietnam and in Southeast Asia.

The following statement is being issued at this moment in Washington and Hanoi:

At 12:30 Paris time today, January 23, 1973, the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam was initialed by Dr. Henry Kissinger on behalf of the United States, and Special Adviser Le Duc Tho on behalf of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

The agreement will be formally signed by the parties participating in the Paris Conference on Vietnam on January 27, 1973, at the International Conference Center in Paris.

The cease-fire will take effect at 2400 Greenwich Mean Time, January 27, 1973. The United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam express the hope that this agreement will insure stable peace in Vietnam and contribute to the preservation of lasting peace in Indochina and Southeast Asia.

That concludes the formal statement. Throughout the years of negotiations, we have insisted on peace with honor. In my addresses to the Nation from this room of January 25 and May 8 [1972], I set forth the goals that we considered essential for peace with honor.

In the settlement that has now been agreed to, all the conditions that I laid down then have been met:

A cease-fire, internationally supervised, will begin at 7 p.m., this Saturday, January 27, Washington time.

Within 60 days from this Saturday, all Americans held prisoners of war throughout Indochina will be released. There will be the fullest possible accounting for all of those who are missing in action.

During the same 60-day period, all American forces will be withdrawn from South Vietnam.

The people of South Vietnam have been guaranteed the right to determine their own future, without outside interference.

By joint agreement, the full text of the agreement and the protocol to carry it out will be issued tomorrow.

Throughout these negotiations we have been in the closest consultation with President Thieu and other representatives of the Republic of Vietnam. This settlement meets the goals and has the full support of President Thieu and the Government of the Republic of Vietnam, as well as that of our other allies who are affected.

The United States will continue to recognize the Government of the Republic of Vietnam as the sole legitimate government of South Vietnam.

We shall continue to aid South Vietnam within the terms of the agreement, and we shall support efforts by the people of South Vietnam to settle their problems peacefully among themselves.

We must recognize that ending the war is only the first step toward building the peace. All parties must now see to it that this is a peace that lasts, and also a peace that heals--and a peace that not only ends the war in Southeast Asia but contributes to the prospects of peace in the whole world.

This will mean that the terms of the agreement must be scrupulously adhered to. We shall do everything the agreement requires of us, and we shall expect the other parties to do everything it requires of them. We shall also expect other interested nations to help insure that the agreement is carried out and peace is maintained.

As this long and very difficult war ends, I would like to address a few special words to each of those who have been parties in the conflict.

First, to the people and Government of South Vietnam: By your courage, by your sacrifice, you have won the precious right to determine your own future, and you have developed the strength to defend that right. We look forward to working with you in the future--friends in peace as we have been allies in war.

To the leaders of North Vietnam: As we have ended the war through negotiations, let us now build a peace of reconciliation. For our part, we are prepared to make a major effort to help achieve that goal. But just as reciprocity was needed to end the war, so too will it be needed to build and strengthen the peace.

To the other major powers that have been involved even indirectly: Now is the time for mutual restraint so that the peace we have achieved can last.

And finally, to all of you who are listening, the American people: Your steadfastness in supporting our insistence on peace with honor has made peace with honor possible. I know that you would not have wanted that peace jeopardized. With our secret negotiations at the sensitive stage they were in during this recent period, for me to have discussed publicly our efforts to secure peace would not only have violated our understanding with North Vietnam, it would have seriously harmed and possibly destroyed the chances for peace. Therefore, I know that you now can understand why, during these past several weeks, I have not made any public statements about those efforts.

The important thing was not to talk about peace, but to get peace--and to get the right kind of peace. This we have done.

Now that we have achieved an honorable agreement, let us be proud that America did not settle for a peace that would have betrayed our allies, that would have abandoned our prisoners of war, or that would have ended the war for us but would have continued the war for the 50 million people of Indochina. Let us be proud of the 2 1/2 million young Americans who served in Vietnam, who served with honor and distinction in one of the most selfless enterprises in the history of nations. And let us be proud of those who sacrificed, who gave their lives so that the people of South Vietnam might live in freedom and so that the world might live in peace.

In particular, I would like to say a word to some of the bravest people I have ever met--the wives, the children, the families of our prisoners of war and the missing in action. When others called on us to settle on any terms, you had the courage to stand for the right kind of peace so that those who died and those who suffered would not have died and suffered in vain, and so that where this generation knew war, the next generation would know peace. Nothing means more to me at this moment than the fact that your long vigil is coming to an end.

Just yesterday, a great American, who once occupied this office, died. In his life, President Johnson endured the vilification of those who sought to portray him as a man of war. But there was nothing he cared about more deeply than achieving a lasting peace in the world.

I remember the last time I talked with him. It was just the day after New Year's. He spoke then of his concern with bringing peace, with making it the right kind of peace, and I was grateful that he once again expressed his support for my efforts to gain such a peace. No one would have welcomed this peace more than he.

And I know .he would join me in asking-for those who died and for those who live--let us consecrate this moment by resolving together to make the peace we have achieved a peace that will last. Thank you and good evening.

The divergences

"and bring peace with honor in Vietnam and in Southeast Asia" — the speaker files a Frame-set, a standard installed in the announcement's first sentence; a listener waiting to hear terms files an Assertion reporting what the agreement does. They part on function. The sequence decides it: the phrase arrives before one term has been read, and the joint statement issued in Washington and Hanoi a minute later does not contain it. From "That concludes the formal statement" onward, the settlement is judged against a criterion only one of the two signatories ever accepted.

"In the settlement that has now been agreed to, all the conditions that I laid down then have been met" — the administration files an Assertion about a document, where the conditions are indeed written in; a family with a son in a Hanoi prison files the same words against the calendar and gets a Palter, since five of the six sentences below it are in the future tense and the release is sixty days out. They part on motive: whether the perfect tense belongs to the settlement's grammar or to a decision about which tense the news would be heard in. The text that would settle the question is issued tomorrow.

"The United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam express the hope that this agreement will insure stable peace in Vietnam" — the joint text files a Report of two governments' hope; the same broadcast, four paragraphs on, says "the peace we have achieved," and says it twice more before the end. They part on orientation: a wish stated by the parties who know what they have signed, against a completed state named by one of them alone. The speech does hedge the durability of the peace, once, and the hedge lives inside the only passage Hanoi helped draft.

"We look forward to working with you in the future--friends in peace as we have been allies in war" — Saigon files a Promise, the continuation of the aid and the recognition offered four paragraphs earlier; Washington files an expressive that binds nobody. They part on function. The paragraph addressed to South Vietnam contains no request and no undertaking, which is what lets both filings stand; the undertakings that do exist are bounded by "within the terms of the agreement," and the terms are enforced by an expectation.

"But just as reciprocity was needed to end the war, so too will it be needed to build and strengthen the peace" — Washington files an Assertion, a general truth about how negotiations work; Hanoi files a Threat, the condition attached to the "major effort" offered one sentence before it. They part on function, and the effort names no act, no amount and no date, so the condition governs a quantity neither party can measure. Every American obligation elsewhere in the speech carries a deadline.

"Your steadfastness in supporting our insistence on peace with honor has made peace with honor possible" — supporters file an Assertion of credit; a listener who spent four years asking for a settlement files a Frame-set that makes the audience the author of terms it will not be able to read until tomorrow. They part on target. Two paragraphs later the same move reaches the families of the prisoners — "When others called on us to settle on any terms" — and between them the two sentences leave a single description for anyone who wanted the war ended sooner.

"He spoke then of his concern with bringing peace, with making it the right kind of peace" — the audience files a Report of a private conversation three weeks old; a listener files a Frame-set, since "the right kind of peace" is the speech's own criterion, defined nowhere in it, and here returned in the words of a man who died the day before. They part on target: whether the sentence relays what Johnson said or enlists him in the standard by which his successor's settlement is about to be judged. The tribute's first content is a defence — "endured the vilification of those who sought to portray him as a man of war" — against accusers who go unnamed, in the position the speech has already reserved for them.