↩ the History · a speech, filed

The Inaugural Address

Jimmy Carter · the Capitol · January 20, 1977
text: The American Presidency Project, UC Santa Barbara · a work of the United States government, in the public domain
colour carries the act's function; a dashed underline marks a predicted misfire; hover or focus any span for its filing

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.

In this outward and physical ceremony, we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation. As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say, "We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles."

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me just a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: "He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God."

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all. A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.

Two centuries ago, our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom. But the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation. I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.

Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and human liberty. It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.

You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are. Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust. Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.

Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.

The American dream endures. We must once again have full faith in our country--and in one another. I believe America can be better. We can be even stronger than before.

Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government, we have no future. We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united. In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.

But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory. We cannot afford to drift. We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person. Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.

We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity. Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our national beauty preserved; the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.

We have learned that more is not necessarily better, that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems. We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future. So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.

Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home. And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.

To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others. We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.

The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit. Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving, and now demanding, their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.

The passion for freedom is on the rise. Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.

We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal but on the nobility of ideas.

We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice, for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.

We are a proudly idealistic nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.

Because we are free, we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere. Our moral sense dictates a clear-cut preference for those societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights. We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.

The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries. We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety. And we will move this year a step toward our ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth. We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.

Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence. And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:--that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;--that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;--that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;--that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

--that we had ensured respect for the law and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor; and--that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.

I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, based not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.

These are not just my goals---and they will not be my accomplishments-but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.

Thank you very much.

The divergences

"I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land" — the speaker files Thanks, gratitude for a transfer conducted without violence; the constituency that wanted the pardon tested in court files a Frame-set, since the deed thanked is never named and calling its effect healing settles what the pardon was before anyone can argue it. They part on function: an expressive, or a declaration that closes a file. The sentence is also an answer to one already in this archive — Nixon's "the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this Nation" — and it ratifies that frame from the far side of the transfer, in the mouth of the man who beat the pardoner.

"A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it" — the speaker files a Mismatch-repair naming the limit of what an inaugural can accomplish; a hearer who came for accountability files a transfer of the burden, since a nation that alone can provide the spirit is a nation that shares the responsibility for having lost it. They part on target: whether the sentence acts on the speech's own instrument or on the ledger of who answers for the preceding years. Everything the address says about wrongdoing is conjugated in this plural, and the plural is what the two filings fight over.

"Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation" — read wide, an Order about a decade of drift addressed to everyone alive in it; read narrow, the same words are Watergate under a euphemism, and the possessive hands an amnesty to the men the record names. They part on scope. The sentence supplies no event and no actor to anchor either reading, and the warrant it offers, "if we despise our own government, we have no future," is available to both.

"I have no new dream to set forth today" — supporters file a Counter-signal: an office that had claimed too much declining, for once, the marker it is expected to display. A party waiting for a programme files an Assertion about the administration's contents, and hears that none is coming. They part on function — a stance taken, or a state of affairs reported — and the closing sentence, which withdraws the goals from the speaker's account, arms the second filing.

"Our commitment to human rights must be absolute" — dissidents and their governments abroad file a Promise from the state that has just spoken, and read the absolute as the measure of what will be demanded of them or done for them; the speaker files an Order addressed to his own nation, in a paragraph of five deontic clauses that names no agent. They part on function. Two paragraphs later the method is fixed — "the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here" — which schedules the first filing for disappointment and leaves it correct about the words.

"We have learned that more is not necessarily better, that even our great Nation has its recognized limits" — one audience files an Assertion of maturity, a government conceding what a government can do; another files it wide, as a rule fixing which demands may be brought at all, after which a claim on the Treasury can be dismissed as a failure to accept limits. They part on scope, and the sentence declines to say what the limits limit. Four years later the same words were quoted back as a confession of decline, which is a third filing the text cannot refuse.

"We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency" — the American audience files an Assertion about a hypothetical world, disclaimed in advance by its own first clause; a government that recognises itself in "others" files a Threat, since the disclaimer is spoken by the only power capable of carrying out what the rest of the sentence describes. They part on function, and the sentence names no country, which is what keeps both filings alive at once.